Saturday, July 04, 2015

What to the slave is the fourth of July?


Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens:
He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country schoolhouses, avails me nothing on the present occasion.
The papers and placards say, that I am to deliver a 4th [of] July oration. This certainly sounds large, and out of the common way, for it is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Hall, and to address many who now honor me with their presence. But neither their familiar faces, nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall, seems to free me from embarrassment.
The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable — and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former, are by no means slight. That I am here to-day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exordium. With little experience and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you.
This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th of July. It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. According to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad this is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon. The eye of the reformer is met with angry flashes, portending disastrous times; but his heart may well beat lighter at the thought that America is young, and that she is still in the impressible stage of her existence. May he not hope that high lessons of wisdom, of justice and of truth, will yet give direction to her destiny? Were the nation older, the patriot’s heart might be sadder, and the reformer’s brow heavier. Its future might be shrouded in gloom, and the hope of its prophets go out in sorrow. There is consolation in the thought that America is young. Great streams are not easily turned from channels, worn deep in the course of ages. They may sometimes rise in quiet and stately majesty, and inundate the land, refreshing and fertilizing the earth with their mysterious properties. They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. But, while the river may not be turned aside, it may dry up, and leave nothing behind but the withered branch, and the unsightly rock, to howl in the abyss-sweeping wind, the sad tale of departed glory. As with rivers so with nations.
Fellow-citizens, I shall not presume to dwell at length on the associations that cluster about this day. The simple story of it is that, 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your “sovereign people” (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right and proper.
But, your fathers, who had not adopted the fashionable idea of this day, of the infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. I scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers. Such a declaration of agreement on my part would not be worth much to anybody. It would, certainly, prove nothing, as to what part I might have taken, had I lived during the great controversy of 1776. To say now that America was right, and England wrong, is exceedingly easy. Everybody can say it; the dastard, not less than the noble brave, can flippantly discant on the tyranny of England towards the American Colonies. It is fashionable to do so; but there was a time when to pronounce against England, and in favor of the cause of the colonies, tried men’s souls. They who did so were accounted in their day, plotters of mischief, agitators and rebels, dangerous men. To side with the right, against the wrong, with the weak against the strong, and with the oppressed against the oppressor! here lies the merit, and the one which, of all others, seems unfashionable in our day. The cause of liberty may be stabbed by the men who glory in the deeds of your fathers. But, to proceed.
Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their conduct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.
As the sheet anchor takes a firmer hold, when the ship is tossed by the storm, so did the cause of your fathers grow stronger, as it breasted the chilling blasts of kingly displeasure. The greatest and best of British statesmen admitted its justice, and the loftiest eloquence of the British Senate came to its support. But, with that blindness which seems to be the unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, the British Government persisted in the exactions complained of.
The madness of this course, we believe, is admitted now, even by England; but we fear the lesson is wholly lost on our present ruler.
Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that day, were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it.
Such people lived then, had lived before, and will, probably, ever have a place on this planet; and their course, in respect to any great change, (no matter how great the good to be attained, or the wrong to be redressed by it), may be calculated with as much precision as can be the course of the stars. They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! Of this sort of change they are always strongly in favor.
These people were called Tories in the days of your fathers; and the appellation, probably, conveyed the same idea that is meant by a more modern, though a somewhat less euphonious term, which we often find in our papers, applied to some of our old politicians.
Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.
On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. They did so in the form of a resolution; and as we seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day whose transparency is at all equal to this, it may refresh your minds and help my story if I read it. “Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved.”
Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation’s history — the very ring-bolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny.
Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of your nation’s destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.
From the round top of your ship of state, dark and threatening clouds may be seen. Heavy billows, like mountains in the distance, disclose to the leeward huge forms of flinty rocks! That bolt drawn, that chain broken, and all is lost. Cling to this day — cling to it, and to its principles, with the grasp of a storm-tossed mariner to a spar at midnight.
The coming into being of a nation, in any circumstances, is an interesting event. But, besides general considerations, there were peculiar circumstances which make the advent of this republic an event of special attractiveness.
The whole scene, as I look back to it, was simple, dignified and sublime.
The population of the country, at the time, stood at the insignificant number of three millions. The country was poor in the munitions of war. The population was weak and scattered, and the country a wilderness unsubdued. There were then no means of concert and combination, such as exist now. Neither steam nor lightning had then been reduced to order and discipline. From the Potomac to the Delaware was a journey of many days. Under these, and innumerable other disadvantages, your fathers declared for liberty and independence and triumphed.
Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men too — great enough to give fame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.
They loved their country better than their own private interests; and, though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited, it ought to command respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country, is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their country. In their admiration of liberty, they lost sight of all other interests.
They were peace men; but they preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did not shrink from agitating against oppression. They showed forbearance; but that they knew its limits. They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was “settled” that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were “final;” not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.
How circumspect, exact and proportionate were all their movements! How unlike the politicians of an hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles, and set a glorious example in their defense. Mark them!
Fully appreciating the hardship to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, honorably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sincerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsibility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you.
Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary. Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. Banners and pennants wave exultingly on the breeze. The din of business, too, is hushed. Even Mammon seems to have quitted his grasp on this day. The ear-piercing fife and the stirring drum unite their accents with the ascending peal of a thousand church bells. Prayers are made, hymns are sung, and sermons are preached in honor of this day; while the quick martial tramp of a great and multitudinous nation, echoed back by all the hills, valleys and mountains of a vast continent, bespeak the occasion one of thrilling and universal interest — a nation’s jubilee.
Friends and citizens, I need not enter further into the causes which led to this anniversary. Many of you understand them better than I do. You could instruct me in regard to them. That is a branch of knowledge in which you feel, perhaps, a much deeper interest than your speaker. The causes which led to the separation of the colonies from the British crown have never lacked for a tongue. They have all been taught in your common schools, narrated at your firesides, unfolded from your pulpits, and thundered from your legislative halls, and are as familiar to you as household words. They form the staple of your national poetry and eloquence.
I remember, also, that, as a people, Americans are remarkably familiar with all facts which make in their own favor. This is esteemed by some as a national trait — perhaps a national weakness. It is a fact, that whatever makes for the wealth or for the reputation of Americans, and can be had cheap! will be found by Americans. I shall not be charged with slandering Americans, if I say I think the American side of any question may be safely left in American hands.
I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine!
My business, if I have any here to-day, is with the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now.
From Kasama, for the rest click here.

Wednesday, July 01, 2015

The confederate flag raises its ugly head

The confederate flag controversy is annoying and tends to distract us from the killing of innocent black people by racist individuals. But to actually look at the flag controversy it is worth noting that there is an issue here. The Southern Cross is a battle flag that is mistaken for the official flag of the Confederate States of America (CSA), a nation that was formed when several southern states broke off from theUnited States of America. That started the US Civil War that lasted about four years and cost this country more American lives than any other war in our nations history.
To begin with, the Southern Cross was only a battle flag and not an official flag of the CSA.

The first official flag of the CSA was the "The Stars and Bars:"

Later in the war, the Southern Cross was incorporated into a new CSA


And later, they decided the new flag looked too much like a surrender flag so  the final CSA flag:

The flag of controversy is the Southern Cross battle flag. It is usually used to represent the CSA. While many southerners claim this flag represent their "heritage" it also represent the past. The CSA was an attempt by several southern states to be independent of the US government. That society was dependent on slaves for its economy and no amount of "heritage" can erase that fact. The CSA was dependent on slaves for its economic success. Just recently the
The CSA was an attempt to create a separate government from the north. That alone is not racism. Attempts at succession are not rare in the world of the 19th century or the last 20th century. It was a failed government and refusing to let go of that dream shows a real resistance from the reality that that government did FAIL. Now the federal government is forcing that flag down from the officials offices ofSouth Caolina,in  the south.
In today's society this is not the only group of people to hang on to a dead dream. InWichita the city government has agreed to adopt the South VietnamRepublic ofVietnam) government, at the request of Vietnam Veteran groups who refuse to acknowledge the loss of that government after the fall of Saigon. Like those who dream of a CSA, the dream of a revival of the Republic of Vietnam

But that is not going to happen either.
It is time to give up this foolishness and except reality. There is no CSA and their is no Republic of Vietnam. So let's get on with reality.

This was from Otto's War Room.

Saturday, June 27, 2015

A Yellowstone National Park vacation—a conservation monument

From Wichita Peace and Freedom Party Examiner:

just got back from my vacation trip to Yellowstone National Park. The park system was invented by past President Theodore (Teddy) Roosevelt.
Teddy did some fine things, such as supporting unions against assaults by their corporate employers. He was interested in land and wildlife conservation. That is why he developed the park system with the idea that wild animals in the US could be protected from extinction.
It is ironic that such an avid hunter would build a park where large animals were protected from hunting. But he understood that such animals would disappear without some kind of protection. Without conservation large animals would simply disappear. That would have brought an end to hunting many of the animals he admired.
While in the park, I saw many animals that the area is known for. There were lots of bison. They are probably the most prolific animal in the park. I saw elk, some bears and a mule deer. I also saw some trout swimming in a small stream. I count fish as wildlife animals.
Roosevelt's image and his name are everywhere in the park. I spent several days in a small cabin, my wife and I rented, in a place called Roosevelt Lodge Cabins.

On the negative side Roosevelt was a hard core imperialist and war monger. While president he chose to colonize the Philippines and crush an independence movement led by Emilio Aguinaldo. He supported the Spanish-American War in Cuba. It was during that war that he put together an imperialist private army of mercenaries that he called the Rough Riders.
A lot of places in the park are named after the Rough Riders as if they were heroes. My cabin was in an area called the Rough Riders. But this glorification of the Rough Riders is deceptive. The Rough Riders were an illegal regiment considering they had no legal authorization to exist. Their purpose was to violate the rights of the Cuban people and prevent them from developing their own independence movement. The original goal was US colonization of that island.
We can all be thankful that such a park has become a model for future projects. We have to protect those parks from right-wing politicians and the
 "welfare cowboys," such as Cliven Bundy, who wants to destroy all public land. Some lands and some animals and plants SHOULD belong to the people in this country and such resources should be shared.

Monday, June 15, 2015

Over population—Don't use religious dogma for science

This week The Wichita Eagle had an article about a church leader who holds services at River City Brewery in Wichita's Old Town. The Rev. Pat York was featured as he tries to keep Christianity alive for 20 somethings, or millennials as they are called.
I really didn't have a problem with most of the article. I don't have anything against people simply trying to promote their religion. But one thing he told a crowd did bother me:
"The vast majority of you I hope get married," York said. "And have a bunch of little freaky mini-mes that look just like you and have lots of babies for Jesus."
The problem comes up when outdated dogma and dangerous ideas are reinforced, because of religion. The Bible does tell people "Now be fruitful and multiply," (Genesis 9:7).
But that was thousands of years ago. The Earth was not overpopulated then. It is now and this is just one really bad idea that our culture hasn't really dealt with yet.
America isn't as overpopulated as India or China, yet we still have those problems which can be ignored here for now, but the time is coming when we won't be able to ignore them. 
Those problems include the depletion of natural resources, degradation of the environment, increases in unemployment, increased costs of living and even increases the likelihood of wars. At some point there just won't be enough food, land and fuels to give people the kind of life we consider acceptable.
Pollution problems will multiply. The great extinction of so many species of plants and animals will speed up as they are replace by humans. The important thing is that it doesn't have to be that way.
Most industrialized countries have already discouraged large families and most people living in them have learned to avoid having lots of children. In Eastern Euorpe or Japan it is not uncommon to find people only one child or none at all. People in the US still seem to think it is the "Christian thing" to have as many children as possible. But would Jesus really want us to multiply to the point that we can't feed all these people or we can't house them?
Most overpopulation is in the underdeveloped countries were birth control may be non-existent and there is a lack of education. But people in this country really should consider what they are doing when they have large families. The entire world will pay a price soon for having too many children. I'm not opposed to religion, but religions need to stay relevant to the times and the problems we face. Following outdated dogma serves no one—god, Jesus or man.

Sunday, June 14, 2015

Kansas legislators end this year's miss-guided session of childish hijinks

As Kansas legislators quit and go home we can only marvel at their wasting of tax-payers money on a budget bill that will cost poor and middle class more money.
Governor Sam Brownback worked hard to protect the wealthy business people he feels he represents. Most of his cronies went along. They all know who is paying for their re-election campaigns. And they know that we poor and middle class will pick up the tax tab because it's the Republican way. We can vote, but we can't buy candidates like the wealthy Republican backers. So we reap our reward.

Thursday, June 11, 2015

Chris Burden- Performance art at Kirby's

I found out that Chris Burden, a performance artist died of cancer on May 10 of this year. He was one of the first performance artist I had read about. I have been performing art, at some local clubs in the last year.
Burden did a performance called Shoot, 1971, where he had someone shoot at him with a riffle. He also did Trans-Fixedon, 1974, where he had himself nailed to a car to be crucified.
I spoke about Burden at my performance art at Kirby's Beer Store, for open mic night.
He was one of my influences on performance art. 
My actual art:
My art consists of using props, poetry or other types of reading. I also like to use music or sound.
On stage I explained about my house picture, that electric wires, telephone poles, air conditioning units and lampposts that shine in my bedroom were part of all the crap our brains just shut out of our minds. We don't see that stuff when we look at a house.
So here are some of the poems I read that I haven't used before:

I do not like John McCain, as slammed as I am
I do not like him in a box,
'e pissed me off when I watched him in my sox,
I can't stand him here or there
I can't stand the stinking lousy bastard anywhere,
I can not stand him when I get sober,
I can not stand him when I get older,
I can't stand him when I'm spending welfare
I can't stand it that he really doesn't care,
I don't like him here or there,
He's an ass hole anywhere,
I do not like him as slammed as I am.

LSD - 1973
It was 1973
when I took LSD
Not much today around
'60s '70s it made all the sounds
'60s '70s acid test
'60s '70s acid rock
Drug influenced clothes
Drug influenced art
Drug influenced clothes
Drug influenced music
We need to bring it back
give a hit to everyone at the age of 18